• According to the Ukrainian government, up to 100 inquiries a day are being made about a plan it developed for Russian soldiers to surrender.
• More than 3,500 interactions from occupying personnel and their families, according to Kyiv officials.
• Since Russian President Vladimir Putin mobilised tens of thousands of Russian soldiers and the city of Kherson was freed, there appears to have been an uptick.

According to the Ukrainian government, up to 100 inquiries a day are being made about a plan it developed for Russian soldiers to surrender.

In September, the “I Want To Live” project got underway.

Russian troops can organise for the most effective manner to surrender to Ukrainian forces by dialling a hotline or submitting information through messaging apps.

More than 3,500 interactions from occupying personnel and their families, according to Kyiv officials.

Since Russian President Vladimir Putin mobilised tens of thousands of Russian soldiers and the city of Kherson was freed, there appears to have been an uptick.
The headquarters for the treatment of prisoners of war in Ukraine isn’t immune to the frequent power outages in the nation, as the dim passageways show.

We meet Svitlana—not her real name—a Ukrainian call handler who regularly communicates with Russian soldiers in a modest office.

They can communicate over the phone or through the majority of messaging services, including Telegram and WhatsApp.

She explains that because troops have more free time during the day and can sneak away to make a call, the evenings are the busiest.

First of all, she says, “we hear a voice, mostly male.” “They frequently express a mixture of desperation and frustration since they are unsure of how the hotline functions or whether it is a hoax.

There is also interest because many calls are made to learn how they could if necessary rather than to submit. Each time is distinctive.
Svitlana isn’t permitted to reveal how many Russians she has assisted or the specifics of how it occurred. Before receiving any more instructions, they are just asked to share their location.

She alleges that some Russian soldiers contact them in an effort to antagonise them, however she doesn’t think all of them buy into the Kremlin’s unfounded allegations that Nazis rule Ukraine.

We cannot judge a whole nation, she asserts. “Most of them are concerned about their safety.”

Svitlana also remembers receiving a call from a man who was being recruited to fight against his own family and nation and who lived in the annexed Crimea.

It appears that Moscow has now restricted access to the phone numbers inside of Russia. An error message answers calls made from a Russian or UK Sim card.
The dramatic voice-over in Ukraine’s “I Want To Live” propaganda movie directed against Russian forces asks, “Ask yourself a question: What are you fighting for?”

Before two phone numbers are displayed at the conclusion, there are visuals of Russian soldiers seemingly surrendering in time to explosive music.

If they are too near the front line, they are even instructed to wave a white flag.

Of course, this is a battle in the information war. The method by which Ukraine tries to lower Russian morale.

Images of Ukrainian prisoners of war are displayed on the walls of Svitlana’s office. This hotline is a key component of Kyiv’s efforts to repatriate them because it is believed that they are all still alive.

Russian prisoners of war (PoWs) are exchangeable for cash once they are released.

The Kremlin is reportedly exchanging more prisoners of war in an effort to appease domestic critics, according to the Institute for the Study of War.

On each side, there are reportedly thousands of prisoners of war, but exact numbers are unclear.

“This project was developed so that, should they voluntarily surrender, their lives will be guaranteed.”

It is also hoped that the larger invader will become more receptive to the outnumbered Ukraine.

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