In these times of extreme political polarisation, choices remain tough for both civil and military leaders

The gulf and distrust between the former ruling Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) and the country’s mighty military establishment seem to have widened further in the last couple of weeks as the prospect of early elections has started to dissipate – at least for now.

One indication of the bitter coldness between the two sides is the back-to-back appearance earlier this week of the Inter-Services Public Relations’ (ISPR) Director General (DG) Major-General Babar Iftikhar’s on two private news channels, in which he again categorically rejected the claims made by former premier Imran Khan that he was ousted from power as a result of a US-backed conspiracy which also involved local players.

In one of his television interviews, Major-General Babar said that this was not a political statement. “It was a clarification on behalf of the service chiefs of Pakistan… it was intelligence-based information and not an opinion,” he said, referring to his statement that there was no foreign conspiracy behind the ouster of Imran Khan’s government.

Major-General Babar’s statements were a shot in the arm for the struggling Shehbaz Sharif government, which is under severe public scrutiny and criticism because of its unpopular decisions on the economic front, including a steep hike in petroleum prices, which has made the life of the common man even more miserable.

The minority-Shehbaz government is also staining to justify its legitimacy as it is widely believed that not only was the change in Islamabad orchestrated through the questionable means of buying off the loyalties of  PTI lawmakers and its allies, but because of controversial legislations – especially in the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) laws – which solely benefit the House of Sharif and its close aides, who stand accused of massive corruption, money-laundering and fraud. As PTI senior leaders, including Imran Khan, questioned the need for and the timing of the DG ISPR’s television interviews, government officials were quick to hail them, claiming that they have “destroyed the PTI’S foreign-conspiracy propaganda.”

But the Shehbaz-led government’s celebrations on this score may be premature: many Pakistanis remain convinced by Khan’s narrative that his ouster was the result of a US-sponsored conspiracy.

And sources in the PTI maintain there will be no change in their party’s narrative that the installation of the Shehbaz Sharif government was the result of United States’ manoeuvres, backing and direct interference.

A former federal minister belonging to the PTI told Bol News that the back channel contacts between the former ruling party and the army leadership have been virtually severed for the last two-three weeks.

“ We were assured that the assemblies would be dissolved by May 27 and fresh elections would be called,” he said, requesting anonymity. “But then, suddenly there was a change in the establishment’s mood and plans. They appear to have forced the establishment to renege on its promise.”

The key coalition partners in the Shehbaz government, especially the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), are dead against holding early elections. Shehbaz Sharif and his family do not want elections either as they are trying to put an end to their corruption cases, including the ones against Nawaz Sharif and his daughter Maryam.

“Our problem is that we are not the PTM (the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement), which banks on an anti-army propaganda blitz… we are the PTI and hold national interests and institutions supreme,” said the PTI former minister.

Since his ouster, Imran Khan has also reinforced this, saying multiple times that he holds the Pakistan Army more important than himself. A country with a weak army meets the same fate as witnessed in several Muslim countries, which were destroyed because of infighting and direct foreign intervention, he said.

However, such statements have not stopped many of his sympathisers from venting their anger against the establishment, especially on social media.

The former minister conceded that the current anti-army social media trends, especially those targeting Army Chief Qamar Javed Bajwa, are being blamed on the PTI. “This is a major contentious issue. But the fact is that no one can control social media… they have to understand that it is not any organised effort. It is a spontaneous public reaction by those who are not part of the party discipline.”

The social media trends primarily target Shehbaz Sharif  for “leading an imported government” and criticise the army leadership for its “neutrality,” which is perceived to be tilting in favour of the most corrupt politicians and their backers in the media.

In one of his interviews last week, the DG ISPR acknowledged that the army and its leadership were being targeted through “baseless rumours and propaganda” since it distanced itself from politics. “This should not happen… Everyone remains entitled to their opinion, but no one has the right to reject facts and target an institution and its personalities on the basis of lies,” said Babar.

But the Pakistan Army’s changed stance is not being welcomed even by many of its onetime ardent supporters, who always saw this institution as protecting the country from both, external and internal challenges, including the scourge of corruption.

While traditional anti-army propagandists, including a tiny segment of westernised liberals and sub-nationalist forces, have now taken a backseat. This time around, the criticism is coming from those Pakistanis, who considered themselves foot soldiers in the fifth generation warfare explained to them by the security institutions. For them, the change in the Pakistan Army’s narrative in domestic politics is unpalatable.

This is also evident from the fact that many of the retired personnel of the Pakistan Armed Forces are also in the forefront in opposing the Shehbaz Sharif government, as are several of those media persons once seen as being close to the establishment.

Another PTI official and a close aide of Imran Khan, who also spoke requesting anonymity, said that the Pakistan Army leadership appears sensitive to the criticism against the institution. “This explains why the DG ISPR had to appear on private channels twice last week. But this has ignited a fresh wave of criticism. Institutional silence in these polarised political times would have been a better strategy.”

“Now everyone is again talking about foreign conspiracy after DG ISPR’s television appearances … The social media is again witnessing hyperactivity in regard to this issue, as many think that the country’s most admired and respected institution – the Pakistan Army  — should not be seen siding with the most corrupt politicians who have zero credibility in any way.”

At a time that Pakistan faces a deepening economic crisis and continued political confrontation, the military leadership will have to perform a highwire balancing act to keep itself out of controversy, and at the same time play its role in resolving the situation.

In developing countries such as Pakistan, the military – no matter how hard it tries to stay out of politics –  is always pulled  back in the thick of things due to circumstances. So far this has been Pakistan’s history.

And as the continued political confrontation threatens Pakistan’s social and economic stability, Pakistanis are keeping their fingers crossed, as they lack confidence in the corruption-tainted faces who are leading the coalition government.

Imran Khan’s aide said that it remains the responsibility of the army to live up to the expectations of the people and help clean the “Augean stables.”

“The way forward is fresh elections and only public pressure can force the decision-makers to help hold free and fair elections. The sooner this is done, the better it will be for Pakistan.”