Sino-Japan ties at 50

September 29 marked the 50^th anniversary of the normalisation of China-Japan diplomatic relations. As two integrated powers in Asia, both Beijing and Tokyo have grounded their sense of engagement in four key political documents for a considerable time, and nurtured an economic partnership that has contributed positively to their growth and the region. “Over the past 50 years, with the joint efforts of the two governments and peoples, the two sides have successively reached four political documents and a series of important common understandings, and steadily deepened exchanges and cooperation in various fields, bringing important benefits to the two countries and peoples, and contributing to peace and development in the region and beyond,” pointed out Chinese President Xi Jinping in a congratulatory message to Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida.

At the 50th anniversary mark, some valuable introspection is key for Japan to properly manage differences in the future, and ensure that relations develop in accordance with the landmark normalisation consensus reached in 1972 between both sides. That means genuine reciprocity on matters that concern one another’s sovereignty, and a conscious effort to prioritise bilateral communication lines to strengthen political trust. The latter is key to bolstering a relationship that has been rich on traditional friendship, and encouraging its contribution to “the relaxation of tension in Asia and peace in the world,” as agreed half a century ago.

As the world’s second and third largest economies respectively, China and Japan have mutually beneficial economic advantages that have helped evolve their trade ties to consistent highs. It shows in a bilateral trade volume that has grown and evolved consistency over the years, exceeding $370 billion last year – a terrific milestone. It also reflects in economic relations that have remained resilient in the face of some differences, including increased external interference from the US and other Japanese partners. Nonetheless, the legwork that has contributed to maturing bilateral trade demands a stronger focus on fair and open trade practices, as well as conducive investment environments on both sides. By truly accepting China’s independent rise and development trajectory as peaceful and beneficial, Tokyo can extend tangible contributions to China and Japan’s shared destiny: the development and revitalisation of Asia.

It is absolutely natural for countries to share some legitimate differences, and a decades-old China-Japan relationship should serve as no exception. Beijing has shown no reservations in resolving issues of mutual importance, and the endorsement of productive high-level exchanges captures that determination. The key is to understand that the need for introspection stems from elsewhere. In recent years, expectations of an autonomous, cooperative Japanese foreign policy towards China have been challenged by Tokyo’s conscious pivot towards the US, which insists China’s peaceful rise on the world stage merits resistance. As such, future pivots towards bloc politics risk undue complications in Sino-Japanese ties, when the goal should be to maintain independent communication, nurture political trust, and join China in reciprocating goodwill that can reset perceptions.

Fortunately, the 1972 Joint Communique offers vital support for an enduring consensus. For instance on Taiwan, the communique is absolutely clear: that it is an inalienable part of the territory of the People’s Republic of China, and that the government of Japan ‘fully understands and respects this stand.’ Such clarity eliminates any space for ambiguity or back-pedaling on matters of fundamental principle in China-Japan relations, even in the future. Japan has sought to cross that redline consistently, choosing to operate in lockstep with the US on major matters internal to China, despite Beijing’s firm opposition. A silver-lining is for Tokyo to time and again express an interest in cultivating time-tested economic relations with Beijing further. Learning from history in all other spaces could prove equally beneficial to the cause of peaceful coexistence, and valuing each other’s stated redlines on sovereign affairs. “Japan and China share a great responsibility to achieve peace and prosperity in the region and world,” Kishida said in a message to Xi.

Throughout the decades, there has been little doubt about the resilience of China-Japan bilateral relations, even in key high-level exchanges. Officials have acknowledged the health and stability of ties as fundamental to their people, seen the benefits of cultural and neighbourly exchanges in enriching bilateral perceptions, and offered their respective reasonings for stronger multilateralism in Asia, and what lasting peace looks like. Bringing some of those end goals together means insulating mutual trust from zero-sum competition, bloc containment strategies, and a perception that the rise and development of one state arrives at the other’s expense.

The text of the 1972 consensus makes it abundantly clear that the interests of both sides can converge, even on a regional scale, and the value of China-Japan ties to Asia’s stability cannot be understated. After all, it is China and Japan that agreed against the pursuit of ‘hegemony’ and confirmed that each is opposed to efforts ‘by any other country or group of countries to establish such hegemony.’ Futile containment strategies such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and the US-led Indo-Pacific approach are examples of establishing hegemony in the name of regional peace. The question is: will Japan stand on the right side of history?

Adherence to historic fundamentals is thus key to elevating Sino-Japanese relations beyond the 50 year anniversary mark. Principles such as mutual respect for sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference and equality ought to take centre stage to build on ties that are rich in development opportunities, and create more openings to compliment their historic consensus-building and bolster future endurance.

The writer is a foreign affairs commentator and recipient of the Fulbright Award