‘Dynastic politics will end in Pakistan’

Imran Khan Former prime minister

Former premier Imran Khan is playing the toughest innings of his political career. All the odds appear to be stacked against him. The PML-N led government is gunning to arrest him. His supporters are being hounded and threatened. He is the target of a vicious propaganda and character assassination campaign. Yet, he appears unfazed. He is as determined, as focused and as unyielding and uncompromising as he was in 1996 — when he jumped into the murky waters of Pakistani politics for the first time.

Since his ouster from power as a result of the controversial no-confidence motion, he has been relentlessly challenging what he calls the corrupt old order. His rallies have attracted mammoth crowds. His daily talks, addresses and frequent television interviews have become the talk of the town, evoking both passionate support and severe criticism. In his interview to ‘Bol News’ – the first to any publication after his ouster — the former premier and PTI chairman talks about his future plans and shares some insight on how the Houses of the Sharifs and Zardaris managed to manipulate the system.

Let’s start with an obvious question: do you expect a quick victory against what you call the “imported government” or is it going to be a long-drawn out struggle?

Imran Khan: Political struggles do not have a time frame. The important point is that one does not give up. I am not fighting for myself. I am waging a jihad to save Pakistan which has again been handed over to the most corrupt. That’s the reason one sees such a strong public reaction and mammoth crowds at PTI rallies. Pakistanis are angry. The political parties, which are part of this foreign-sponsored conspiracy of regime change, are being decimated, but its fallout is also affecting the institutions. They (the institutions) are calling themselves neutral, but the perception is that they are with this corrupt government. I don’t think that this situation is sustainable. Their (the new government’s) plan is to rig the next elections with the help of the Election Commission. They want to rig the system to an extent that when elections are held, they win.

All the cards are ostensibly stacked against you. So, what is the basis of your optimism?

IK: The promising sign is that in my 26 years of political struggle, I never saw public opinion turning so decisively in our party’s favour as it has now. This is for the first time that we are witnessing such a massive shift of public opinion among the cross section of society. And there is a reason for this. People have been seeing these thieves’ faces for the last 35 years… They themselves used to call each other thieves. They stand exposed in front of the public now. As Abraham Lincoln said, you cannot fool all the people all the time.

Secondly, as soon as it came to light that it was an American-backed regime change, that the American embassy was part of it, people reacted. The embassy called our backbenchers and many others ahead of the no-confidence motion. They were part of the planning. Donald Lu (the US diplomat) met our ambassador and threatened him. An imported government has been imposed on the 220 million people of Pakistan. This has engendered a public reaction.

Thirdly, when people saw the politicians prostituting themselves, [the horse-trading] they reacted. There has been a huge backlash against the ‘lotas.’

Do you think that your party is prepared for a protracted protest campaign given the preemptive actions the PML-N-led government appears prepared to take? The PTI got a taste of it on May 25…

IK: The way the PTI workers stood-up to the brutalities and high-handed actions of this government was beyond expectations. Rana Sanaullah (the interior minister) gave an impression that he would be able to crush the PTI and its supporters through repressive measures. But our party stood up to these. However, our organisational set-up was admittedly affected by the way they raided the homes of our supporters. One can face brutalities himself, but no one likes the police barraging into their homes and harassing family members, especially women. It was not just shocking, but created anger among the people. These harsh measures prevented many from joining the march. But in Islamabad, despite a heavy use of teargas, barricades and other measures, people kept pouring in and braved the police atrocities. Then, on my way from Peshawar to Islamabad, I witnessed a sea of people. No other party has this kind of street power and following.

How will your second long-march be different? Is that even an option now?

IK: What I don’t want in the country is violence, damage to public and private property, or anarchy. I do not want the people standing against the police. This government has appointed criminal police officers at command positions in the Punjab. And they are resorting to vindictive actions and violence against us. This resulted in the martyrdom of one of our workers… There was no legal basis to stop us. If the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Gilgit-Baltistan Chief Ministers and the Azad Kashmir Prime Minister come along with their people for a public protest, how can the Punjab government stop them? We did not stop Sindh Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah when he came for a protest along with Bilawal. We stopped no one. We did not resort to violence or register any cases against them. In fact, they are promoting provincialism — in the way they have transformed Punjab into a fiefdom of the Sharifs. I want the Supreme Court to give a clear direction and after that we will plan accordingly. If the Supreme Court gives us its approval, and they still stop us, it will be a contempt of court case.

Is there an alternate plan to increase pressure on the government?

IK: We have planned a series of protests. We are not restricting ourselves to only one element of protest. As I stated, first we will wait for the Supreme Court ruling. And after that we will disclose our plans.

Can the country’s institutions play any role in forcing the government to call early elections?

IK: All the institutions are on trial. The Establishment is on trial. The judiciary is on trial. The police, the bureaucracy — all are on trial. What the Punjab Police did, was inhuman. The Sharifs have always used the Punjab Police in this fashion. The brutal crackdown has intensified public hate against the Punjab Police. Now the judiciary has a very important role to play, especially in protecting the fundamental rights of citizens. The Establishment has the power to act. Now the question is, what will the Establishment do? Will it take the country towards free and fair elections, or will it support these criminals? They are on trial too.

Although there is no provision in the Constitution for it, some analysts suggest the installation of a Supreme Court-sanctioned caretaker government for a longer period than usual, to carry out needed reforms and make necessary tough decisions before taking the country towards elections. This will also help cool political temperatures. What do you think?

IK: A caretaker setup is needed to hold elections. They have pushed the country into a great economic mess. Only a government with a big political mandate and power can pull Pakistan out of this crisis. For any caretaker government, making big decisions would be difficult. I see tough times ahead. I see inflation rising every month. Load-shedding has gone to an extreme this summer. The entire country is suffering and the situation is deteriorating rapidly. Matters have already slipped out of the hands of this imported government. They cannot control it. We say follow the constitution, bring in a caretaker for three months and hold elections. There is no other solution to this crisis.

Given the current economic mess, can Pakistan even afford elections?

IK: What other choice does Pakistan have? Can this government do anything? They stand exposed. In an interview with CNN, Miftah Ismail (the finance minister) exposed this government when he said that Pakistan cannot buy Russian oil because of the US sanctions. All of Europe is buying Russian oil. Are the sanctions only for Pakistan? In a nutshell, Miftah said that until we get permission from the ‘Master’ who gave us the government, we will not purchase oil from Russia. This means we can’t give our people relief.

Let’s talk about the past… say around six months before the No-Confidence Motion, did you ever imagine Shehbaz Sharif as your successor?

IK: I had been receiving IB (Intelligence Bureau) reports since last August–September that Shehbaz Sharif was maneuvering hard. He was desperately knocking at every door as he was afraid of conviction. The FIA’s (money laundering) case against him is an open and shut one and he would have been convicted in it. Therefore, Shehbaz was desperate… He played all the cards he could and was part of the foreign conspiracy.

Shehbaz Sharif, his two sons, and other family members face charges of corruption and money-laundering. How did Shehbaz and his allies manage to turn the tables?

IK: I think foreign support played a decisive role. Then, they have been the main wheelers and dealers in the Punjab for the last 35 years. Their roots are deeply [embedded — they extend] from within the lawyers’ community to the judiciary and bureaucracy.

You say that the cases against Shehbaz are open and shut ones. So why did the corruption cases against him and other politicians not see closure? Shehbaz hasn’t been indicted yet.

IK: The judicial system is the main cause. I can’t make a phone call to the judges. The judiciary is not in our hands. The RUDA (Ravi Urban Development Authority) is an example. There had been efforts to build a new city near Lahore. The government, investors were ready, but suddenly one day we found out that there was a stay order which had stalled this project – attracting investment and foreign exchange — for 11 months.

I met the country’s eight regulatory bodies – such as the Competition Commission, OGRA, and NEPRA — and asked about their problems. They said that their hands remained tied. These eight regulators were slapped with 800 stay orders and as a result, 200 billion rupees were stuck. ‘Inshallah’ whenever we come to power again, the first thing we will do is to sit with the judiciary and resolve such issues. If you cannot convict criminals, that means there is no rule of law in the country. Now an NRO-2 is being given by changing the NAB laws. All these people will again escape justice.

Many Pakistanis still remain baffled about how Nawaz Sharif was allowed to leave Pakistan? That was unprecedented.

IK: We were told that he was about to die and we would be held responsible. There was intense pressure on us. And then he gave an Oscar-winning performance to indicate he was about to die any day. A long report was presented before the cabinet listing his ailments and highlighting the danger to his life. The cabinet debated for four-five hours [and he was allowed to leave] but his ailments were only in prison. The moment he climbed the aircraft stairs, he was a different man. The question is, who tampered with the medical reports? It was a big game.

The Houses of the Sharifs and Zardaris appear too entrenched at the national level; the same is the case in almost 60 percent of the country’s constituencies, which are dynastic. In this framework, can Pakistan ever really achieve true democracy?

IK: In the last 60 years or so, two families ruled Pakistan for nearly 30 years, and the army ruled the rest of the time. If Bilawal becomes party chairman at the age of 24, where’s the merit? Maryam, who roams around like a queen… what are her credentials? This is the ultimate negation of democracy. Going forward, I think Pakistan will change. Social media has created awareness. Just as in India, dynastic politics will end in Pakistan too.

However, you too banked on electable candidates…

IK: You are right, but this is changing. Dynastic politics have been shaken.

If voted again to power, say with a two-third majority, what crucial structural changes do you plan to make?

IK: There will be many changes, but basically, we will establish the rule of law. Under the current circumstances, accountability is not possible. We have to sit with the judiciary and work out reforms to strengthen it. Secondly, we will introduce an empowered Local Government system. This system has been introduced in Khyber-Pakhtunkhawa, but not in other provinces. Local Governments are a must because they take the accountability process to the grassroots level. Thirdly, our experience has taught us that changes in the bureaucracy should be made immediately after assuming power. We delayed them. Now we have prioritised and decided the steps that need to be taken in the first 90 days.

Do you indulge in self-criticism? Where did you go wrong?

IK: For human progress, self-criticism, and your own critical analysis remain a must. The number one lesson we learnt: a clear majority is needed if you want to carry out reforms in parliamentary democracy because there are so many roadblocks. After the 18th Amendment, power has been devolved to the provinces; the centre has very limited powers. The 18th Amendment has fractured the system and vested interests hold you back.

In hindsight, was Usman Buzdar a mistake?

IK: Usman Buzdar was a compromise candidate. He hailed from one of the poorest parts of the Punjab. I can say with conviction that no past chief minister had brought such basic improvements in the lives of the common people, as did Buzdar. The ‘Health Card’ is number one. Rs.400 billion were allocated under this scheme which was a blessing for the common man. 70-80 percent poor households get one million rupees health insurance, which is big.

Usman Buzdar was one candidate who had no opposition in the party. We had three-four other candidates for the Punjab CM-ship, but they each faced bitter opposition from within the party. So, Usman Buzdar emerged as a compromise candidate. And the way he ran the Punjab, despite all the pressures and blackmailing, that alone makes him eligible for paradise.

Many advised you to lower temperatures with the opposition during your heydays in power. Do you think you should have paid heed to the advice?

IK: People who give such advice do not think corruption is bad. Here we have people who do not see corruption as evil when done by the powerful. But as said in Alice in Wonderland, if you don’t know where you are going, every road takes you there. So, if you don’t have an ideology, you can do anything. But the point is that if you want to establish the rule of law, how can you throw poor people in prison and give NROs to the powerful who robbed the exchequer of billions of rupees. There can be no compromise on corruption. But you are right, I used to frequently get advice to lower political temperatures by striking deals with the corrupt.

Even after your ouster from power, you said that the Pakistan Army remains the best guarantor of Pakistan’s unity. Yet, following your ouster, we saw many venting their anger against the army on social media and even in rallies despite discouragement from the leadership. Why so much anger?

IK: You cannot guarantee Pakistan’s security without a strong army. But when you have power — and the Establishment and the army have the power – you also have a responsibility. And you have to accept the criticism that comes your way when people see that all the big dacoits are in the government. You say that you are neutral, but [how are you oblivious to the fact that] more than 60 percent of the cabinet members are thieves, and include individuals who used to abuse the army. Such people, who repeatedly carried out anti-army propaganda, and that too by colluding with Pakistan’s enemy India, as the Sharifs did, are now in the cabinet. Modi never criticised Nawaz Sharif, but called General Raheel Sharif a terrorist. Asif Zardari is the mastermind of Memogate, and that by using Hussain Haqqani. He even helped him escape abroad.

So, when the Establishment says it’s neutral, they have to accept the criticism that comes their way. No one can control social media. Now whoever has a mobile phone has a voice on social media. How many you can control? The slogan “imported government naa manzoor” smashed all records on Twitter. It is organic, nobody can run it or control it. In this scenario when people see that you have power and you are ‘neutral,’ then there will be criticism.

Your popularity skyrocketed after the ouster of the government. Do you feel the weight of the expectations that come with this popularity?

IK: We can only make an effort; the rest is in Allah’s hands. He is the only one Who gives success. During my cricketing days, I used to tell my team to give 100 percent. I say the same thing now. If one loses after his/her best effort, it hurts, but there is no harm in that. But if you lose without a fight, without effort, then it is unforgivable. That’s why I am never worried as only Allah grants success. I will continue to try my best — as I am already doing now.