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‘Delay in elections can prove disastrous for the country’

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‘Delay in elections can prove disastrous for the country’
Ameerul Azeem

‘Delay in elections can prove disastrous for the country’

Ameerul Azeem

Jamaat-e-Islami Secretary General

Free, fair and transparent elections are the only way forward for the country plagued with political unrest and economic meltdown, says Ameerul Azeem, secretary general of Jamaat-e-Islami party.

He is a humble and down-to-earth political figure who was quite active in student politics during 1980s, when Pakistan was under a military regime headed by the late Gen Ziaul Haq. He served as the Nazim of the Punjab University chapter of the JI’s student wing, the Islami Jamiatut-Talaba (IJT), and was later elected to the IJT’s top slot, the Nazim-e-Aala. At the time, he was studying for a master’s degree in business administration. During this period, he led a vocal campaign for the restoration of students’ unions, and became so prominent that on one occasion during the campaign, Gen Zia threatened him directly when he famously said that “any Ameer or Ameerul Azeem” who is found responsible for undue interference in educational institutions “will not be spared”.

Consequently, he was arrested and put behind bars. While in prison, he started studies in private capacity and did his masters in political science. Afterwards, he entered party politics and served as the JI’s Ameer for Lahore and Punjab chapter, and later became secretary information and the top spokesperson for the JI Ameer.

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He is presently serving his second term as the party’s secretary general. He is also a successful entrepreneur, earning his livelihood through the business of printing and advertisement.

Following are excerpts from an exclusive interview Bol News held with him.

How do you see the economic situation? Is Pakistan poised for a default? What should be the way forward?

Ameerul Azeem: Our economy is in bad shape. The political situation is directly linked to the economy and business. We need to take measures to end political instability, and it can only happen if we hold free, fair and transparent elections. Instead of going to the IMF, we should rely on our own resources. Rulers should set examples, and people will follow, which will ultimately pave the way for simple lifestyles and an urge for self-reliance. This may cause some hurt to the elite classes, but they constitute only two percent of the population. The rest of the people will hugely benefit from this.

Confiscate big bungalows and luxury vehicles, and you will see a gradual improvement within a short span of six months. Pakistan witnessed the industrial revolution during the 1960s, but later our industrial development suffered severe setbacks due to the wrong policy of nationalisation. If we could make progress back in the 1960s, we should be able to do the same more easily in this age of technology transfers.

Practically, Pakistan defaulted about one year back. Since then, we have run out of dollars to open letters of credit even to import raw material for the manufacturing sector. Many industries have shut down, and many more are on the verge of closure due to the unavailability of inputs.

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Pakistan will not default, though, because it is against the interests of the western powers.

They don’t want to eliminate Pakistan, but neither do they want it to rise as an independent, pro-people democracy. They want to keep her enslaved through the IMF and other sovereign loans so that they can continue to keep a hold on their ‘strategic assets’. The US desired the implementation of a new world order that would ensure the supremacy of the west on the global level, and the hegemony of India in our region.

How do you see the delay in announcement of an election schedule for Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa? Can elections in the two provinces bring stability?

AA: Delay in elections under one pretext or another will be unconstitutional and against the interests of the country. It can prove disastrous for a country already plagued by political and economic instability. For me, general elections are the only way forward.

However, holding elections in two provinces months ahead of the general elections is problematic. Punjab is the biggest province and home to half of the country’s population. So, it is next to impossible to hold elections in Punjab and still continue with the old National Assembly (NA). It can be the desire of some political parties, but practically, it is not possible. Going ahead with separate elections in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and also on the recently vacated NA seats will only add to our political instability.

Regardless of the outcome of these elections, the situation will be disastrous for the country. The question is, what will happen if Imran Khan gets a majority in Punjab, in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, or in both provinces? This will lead to a tussle between the federal government and the provinces. If Imran Khan loses any of those elections, he will launch a new agitation, citing allegations of rigging. In either case, there will be political unrest, which will only worsen the economic crisis. I don’t think the country can afford such a scenario at this particular time.

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This best option would be that Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif steps down to pave the way for a caretaker setup which should then hold elections for the NA and the legislatures of all the federating units on the same day.

How do you see the role of institutions in our political system?

AA: No doubt the establishment is a critical factor that cannot be overlooked. It will not leave everything to politicians, but will continue to play a role from behind the scenes. The unification of the Mutahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) is seen as an effort to get desired results in the port city of Karachi.

But one thing is clear, that such tactics will not work as smoothly in this era of technology as it did in the past. We need free, fair and transparent elections to bring in a stable government that can take bold decisions for the revival of our ailing economy. I believe that there is a realisation of this fact among the institutions, and the establishment should not miss this opportunity to revive its prestige among the public at large.

What is your take on the registration of cases against politicians and journalists on charges of sedition?

AA: It is not something new in our country. It is and will always be taken as the wrong policy which has never yielded the desired results. It has only taken the situation from bad to worse in the past, and will continue to do so in the future.

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The ongoing practise of harassing opponents, whether politicians or journalists, will only prolong and intensify political uncertainty. We cannot afford the politics of revenge anymore, as our kitty is empty and people are facing hardships. Prolonged political unrest will only harm the economy and businesses, making the lives of ordinary people even more miserable.

Sanity should prevail, and both the rulers and the opposition should try to extinguish the fire instead of continuing to add fuel to it. All stakeholders should think about the welfare of the country and its people, and play their due roles to get rid of this system of exploitation. Political forces should reconsider their policies, mend their ways and work for the betterment of the country.

Why parties are not holding intraparty elections?

AA: Holding intraparty elections is a constitutional obligation which is being ignored by the majority of political parties. It is up to the Election Commission of Pakistan to enforce its writ and promote democratic norms within the political parties. Staying away from intraparty elections and giving offices to selected people due to the fear of divisions in the party is an uncalled for trend.

Doing away with intraparty elections, the way the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf did it back in 2017-18, is unjustified. Firstly, the PTI had not conducted elections as per the constitution. And later it did not accept the results. Such exercises have advantages and disadvantages at the same time.

Yes, it will have side effects initially, but when the process continues, it will ultimately strengthen the political parties. You can follow the example of JI which is successfully holding uncontroversial intraparty elections for decades. Other parties should follow our example and allow capable and popular leaders to come and hold party offices.

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What are your views about the ban on student unions?

AA: Student unions should be allowed to function as per the constitution, as these are academies for preparing future politicians. It is a pity that the leadership provided by students is not allowed a role in practical life. The result is that political parties have mostly become private limited companies, having no room for wider debate and opinion sharing.

The Supreme Court has already directed the holding of intra-party polls, and now it is up to the relevant quarters to prepare a code of conduct after due consultations with the management of educational institutions.

Students’ unions can give capable leadership provided the political parties allow democracy in their own ranks.

What is the JI stance on the recent event when a JI Senator, Mushtaq Ahmad, opposed the idea of holding Fateha prayers for the late Pervez Musharaf in the Senate?

AA: Despite our serious differences with Nawaz Sharif on the issues of Kashmir, and on the proposal of extending the most-favoured-nation status to India, the JI had opposed the military coup of Pervez Musharaf. We believe that the military should confine itself to playing its own constitutional role. JI was the first victim of the Pervez Musharaf regime. The then JI Ameer, Qazi Hussain Ahmed, was put under house arrest, and my own entry was banned in Dera Ismail Khan. After the formation of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) alliance, and its success in the 2002 general elections, JI continued to oppose Musharaf on important national issues. Election of Pervez Musharaf, while still in uniform, caused the MMA’s break-up. The JI believed that Pervez Musharaf’s lust for power had turned Pakistan into a banana republic.

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It is a wrong perception that the then City Nazim, Naimatullah Khan, had cordial relations with Pervez Musharaf. He refused to attend public rally on Musharaf’s invitation. He only attended meetings of stakeholders that were convened to discuss and resolve issues of Karachi.

Pervez Musharaf had committed many crimes, like entering the US war on terror which was against our national interest, ordering the Jamia Hafsa operation, allowing drone attacks on our own people from our own soil, and the arrest of Dr Afia Siddiqui. These crimes could not be forgiven even if he took refuge in a sheet of Kaaba.

The JI believes that everyone has the right to express his/her anger against the wrongdoings of any individual. So coming to your question, Senator Mushtaq Ahmed just vented his anger against a military dictator for his wrongdoings. It is also a lesson for others who commit crimes against the nation. They should be well aware that any wrongdoing by them now will lead to a public backlash in the future.

How much chances of success does the JI have in local bodies elections in Karachi?

AA: The JI has regained control of Karachi due to hard work of Hafiz Naeemur Rehman, the commitment of party workers and the love of voters. We avoided a clash in the national interests when Pervez Musharaf strengthened MQM. Now people of Karachi have reposed confidence in the JI, and the Sindh government should respect its mandate. The ECP should dispose of pending election petitions, hold polls on remaining general seats and those reserved for labour, minorities and women. There is a dire need of transferring power to the person elected as the Karachi Mayor.

We don’t have much difference between dictatorships and rule of a political party. Political parties, as I said earlier, are private limited companies owned by a few families. They are using all possible means to get desired results. In this scenario, democratic political parties and the public at large stand nowhere. ECP is not independent, like in the other countries, while ‘electables’ and clans use their influence to mould public opinion.

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We need to strengthen the ECP so that it can play the role of a referee instead of continuing to act as a silent spectator. There is a need of counting every vote, implementation of the election laws, especially those relating to campaign spendings by candidates, and ending the role of unseen forces, both international and within the country.

Do you think presidential system will suit our country better?

AA: I don’t think there is any need for a debate on this issue right now. Our real issue is that the parliamentary system has not been properly implemented so far. You can only suggest a new system after evaluating the shortcomings of the existing one.

As such, our issue is not the system, but its implementation in letter and spirit. Anywhere in the world, there is no example of hereditary politics. We need to end this practice and implement any system we like in its real sense and spirit.

Your take on future political and economic outlook of Pakistan? How do you see JI in the future political landscape?

AA: There is a need to make sincere and collective efforts to take the country out of the prevailing politico-economic crises. For me, the revival of economy and strengthening of the country are much more important than the success of any political party.

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The prevailing scenario is really alarming. Wealth is concentrated in a few families while the majority is living a miserable life. The nationalisation of private enterprises in the 1970s was aimed at taking away the wealth 72 influential families and spreading it across for the benefit of the public at large. That didn’t happen, and today the nation’s wealth is concentrated within just four families.

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