‘Fresh elections can resolve the political impasse’

An interview with author and former ambassador Muhammad Alam Brohi

karachi: Former Ambassador Muhammad Alam Brohi, a popular English author, senior analyst, columnist, social and educational reformer, and strong voice of Sindh, grew up in the Qambar-Shahdadkot district of Sindh and completed his education up to graduation. In 1972, he graduated as an external candidate from the University of Sindh. In 1978, he passed the CSS competitive exam and was assigned to Pakistan’s Foreign Service. For over 30 years, he held various positions in the Foreign Office and Pakistan missions around the world. Among these was his seven-year stint as ambassador to Central Asia and North Africa.

He retired in March 2011 and began writing again in 2013. His four books have since been published: “A Voice in the Wilderness: Memoirs and Reflections,” “The Changing Global Geo-political and Strategic Dynamics: Challenges for Pakistan: Past and Present,” “Global Power Politics: Overview of Current International Issues,” and “Sindh: A Saga of Betrayal, Resilience, and Hope,” with two more in the works.

Furthermore, he is a down-to-earth and charismatic figure who knows how to cultivate friendships and impress and astonish people of all socioeconomic backgrounds with current local and international affairs while doubling down on the country’s and the world’s ossified politics.

He is one of the co-founders of the Social Democratic Party, which was founded in 2019 and has over 2,000 members. It has been registered with the Election Commission of Pakistan. In addition, he is a life member of Sindh Vision, a non-political think tank. He has also actively participated in Sindh nationalist parties and non-political organisations’ conferences and seminars.

Bol News speaks with the former ambassador about the perpetual political stalemate currently affecting the country, its repercussions, and a possible solution to this predicament.

Q Is there any chance of political reconciliation or settlement in the current state of the country? Uncertainty reigns supreme in the country as a result of political and economic instability.

Muhammad Alam Brohi: There is no doubt that the country is on a knife edge as a result of political polarisation, rumours about the country defaulting on its international financial obligations, and the controversy surrounding the appointment of the Army Chief.

Political reconciliation appears difficult between the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM). The PDM leadership is terrified of Imran Khan’s (IK) rising popularity and fears political devastation at his hands in snap elections. IK is adamant about holding elections because of the massive public mobilisation in his favour. If both camps showed some flexibility, a mutually acceptable election schedule could be reached. Politicians’ pursuit of political dividends should not be allowed to obscure the country’s economic morbidity. It is clear that the PDM has not resulted in any improvement in economic indicators. They should own up to it. The obvious solution to this political impasse is to hold free and fair elections for a new mandate. The longer they wait to make this critical decision, the less political credibility they will have. The PDM still holds the key to breaking this political logjam. The entire country is keeping an eye on them.

Q How did you find Imran Khan’s administration? Was he an ineffective prime minister for the country?

MAB: In fact, he was a disappointment to me. He failed to push for the implementation of his party’s manifesto. I believe that his Achilles’ heels were inexperience in administrative and political matters, over-reliance on technical hands picked up from the old guard and establishment creations, the silent and unobtrusive but formidable resistance of the status quo forces, the one-dimensional focus on accountability despite the weaknesses of the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), and the interferences of powerful quarters in political governance.

This is what Benazir Bhutto faced during her first government from 1988 to 1990. In her second term, she did, however, learn from her mistakes and govern more effectively. Nawaz Sharif had learned the tricks of the trade from autocrats in the early 1980s. However, his priorities were misplaced. Imran Khan, hopefully, has learned from his mistakes in the past.

Q The contrast between the country’s dwindling economic fortunes and the vast wealth of its rulers is stark. How much do you agree that corrupt people prosper at the expense of the country?

MAB: It is extremely unfortunate that the 2 per cent ruling elite and their allies have completely captured the state’s resources and political power, concentrating the country’s wealth in the upper class. They provide their children with state-of-the-art schools, hospitals, luxurious transportation, accommodations, and professions, to the detriment of the general population. The process of social stratification has left a large population dependent on crumbs. To prevent a bloody revolution, we must reverse this process by gradually transforming the country into a social welfare state through representative governance. We must not underestimate the power of Edmund Burke’s blind force, dubbed “populism.”

Q Why is it nearly impossible, if not impossible, to bring corruption and murderers to justice in the country?

MAB: In fact, we ignored the rule of law from the start, resulting in a dual legal system—one for the powerful elite and another for the weak segment of the population. Our law enforcement agencies, including the prosecution and judiciary, were gradually ingrained in this culture. Over a 75-year period, the ruling elite drafted, enacted, and amended laws to benefit the powerful. That is why they are immune from prosecution.

Q Why don’t we call for social mobilisation to bring educated, intelligent, and upright middle-class people to Parliament to run the country instead of relying on already-tested rulers?

MAB: The political landscape has changed dramatically, and this trend is expected to continue. The PTI’s political mobilisation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) in 2013 and 2018 brought about a sea of change, removing well-entrenched political dynasties and religious or political leaders. In 2018, the PTI inflicted stunning defeats on its elite class and political opponents in Punjab and urban Sindh. The PTI candidates in KPK and Sindh did not come from traditional political families. They belonged to the middle class. The majority of candidates in Punjab were also from the middle class.

The new political mobilisation in support of the PTI bodes well for a shift in political power away from the traditional elite and toward the middle class. This gives us hope for a significant political change.

Q What distinctions can be made between PPP chairperson Benazir Bhutto’s government and the Nawaz-backed government? Because PML-N supremo Nawaz Sharif is a convicted person and Benazir was not. Which was or is better?

MAB: Benazir Bhutto was a fervent supporter of social democratic values who worked tirelessly to preserve them, whereas Sharifs were the creation of military autocrats who preferred autocratic rule. During the 1988 election campaign, Sharifs introduced the current dirty language in political statements into political narratives. They called the Bhutto ladies derogatory names during the campaign and later in Parliament.

In terms of intellectual calibre, political wisdom, ability, and foresight, Benazir Bhutto was head and shoulders above the Sharifs at the time.

Both leaders were unable to accomplish much and left no political or economic legacy. In terms of jobs, Benazir’s government’s policies were a little more pro-people. They both squandered time arguing with generals, presidents, chief justices, and bureaucrats. Despite this, I would have voted for Benazir Bhutto in retrospect.

Q Premier Shehbaz Sharif must frequently travel to London to consult with his elder brother Nawaz Sharif about running the government. It has a negative impression on everyone, both locals and visitors. Do you agree?

MAB: He is setting a bad precedent. This reflects his uncertainty, indecision, and political vulnerability. Because the PML-N is more aligned with the senior Sharif and his daughter, Maryam Nawaz, Prime Minister Shehbaz is hamstrung between his niece’s political ambitions and his brother’s power lust. He cannot muster the courage to defy them lest he lose the party’s support.

He should not discuss sensitive state matters with his brother, who is a fugitive from the law and has been convicted of corruption, rightly or wrongly. This is a one-of-a-kind practise that has made us a laughingstock around the world.

Q Is the only peaceful way out of the country’s current political impasse to install a caretaker government and hold general elections?

MAB: Yes, this is the only logical way to break the political impasse. The delay will further aggravate political polarisation.

Q Should the institutions play a role in breaking the country’s interminable political hiatus? And how should they go about it?

MAB: This is a perplexing situation. The opposing political camps are like two distant mountains. The president is ineffective in pressuring them to reach a political compromise based on give and take. The country’s powerful institutions have declared neutrality in political matters, which is a good thing in theory. However, in order to reach a compromise between the two warring factions, the establishment could provide full support to the president without any prejudice toward anyone. Legal minds can devise a constitutional solution to this political gridlock.

Q Despite their amazement at the revolutions and developments in Western countries, locals continue to vote for dynastic politics [Nawaz to Maryam, ZA Bhutto to Benazir, Bilawal]. Isn’t this a blatant contradiction?

MAB: As I stated above in my response to a question, frequent free and fair elections will further alter the country’s political landscape. The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) was reduced to the status of a regional political group confined to rural Sindh by the elections in 2013 and 2018. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) is also facing the most serious threat to its survival in KPK and south Punjab. It has also lost a significant portion of its electoral appeal in central Punjab.

Change is unavoidable, and we must accept it peacefully rather than preparing for a bloody revolution.

Q  Speaking the truth and working honestly are not adventures in this country.

MAB: Political activities and journalism, whether true, sincere, or otherwise, have always been risky ventures in all third-world countries. The envious guardians of the perks and privileges amassed over the years are the well-entrenched forces that control the administrative and governing structures and fleece the state resources. They are willing to go to any length to protect their privileged citadel.

It is rare in these countries to displace these forces through soft political revolutions without spilling a drop of human blood. To effect change in a society, clashes between various vested interest groups or classes of the population are inevitable. These societies are already rife with rage and angst, to the point where the poor despise the rich, the employed despise their employers, the labourers despise the industrialists, the rugged despise the well-dressed, and the ruled despise the ruler. In society, the powder keg is already present. All it takes is a small spark to set it off.

All of this does not deter those who are paving the way for social change, reform, and humane administration and management. This is the essence of human evolutionary history; it is what has motivated good souls to strive for a better world in which to live. Without adventure, human life, whether national or individual, is not worth living.