JUI-F in Opposition Mood

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JUI-F in Opposition Mood
JUI-F in Opposition Mood

JUI-F in Opposition Mood

After CM Bizenjo fails to meet its demands, the JUI-F is poised to play the role of a genuine opposition

In a political summersault, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan (Fazl), which was eager to join the ruling coalition in Balochistan, abruptly announced that they would play a true and genuine opposition role for the betterment of the people.

The JUI-F, which has 11 MPAs and the support of an independent member, former Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Khan Raisani, began talks with Chief Minister Abdul Quddus Bizenjo about joining a month ago. Raisani has already promised party leader Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman that he will join the party and run in the next general election on a JUI ticket. The JUI’s parliamentary group has already presented the Chief Minister with a charter of demands.

After its provincial shoora meeting on October 10th, JUI-F called a hurried press conference and announced that, due to the Chief Minister’s attitude, the party has decided to abandon the idea of joining the government and will instead play the role of opposition. The opposition parties, according to the party leaders, brought Qudoos Bizenjo to power; otherwise, the top position would have been a pipe dream for him. They also admitted that, for the past year, their party had been a friendly opposition but that they would now give the government a run for its money.

“We have carefully reviewed Chief Minister Bizenjo’s attitude toward our charter of demands, and his response was not encouraging, rather humiliating for us, as he was not coming to the point of accepting or rejecting the charter for several weeks,” said federal Minister Maulana Abdul Wasey, who is also the party’s provincial Ameer. Although CM Bizenjo has asked JUI to join the government, he has been using stalling tactics in order to avoid revealing directly that he is unable to meet its demands.


Five ministers with lucrative portfolios such as Planning and Development, Health, Irrigation, local bodies, public health, engineering, or agriculture are among the JUI’s demands, as are two advisors with portfolios, Speakership or Deputy Speakership, and the expulsion of the PTI from the coalition government.

According to government insiders, Chairman Senate Sadiq Sanjrani proposed that both the JUI and the Balochistan National Party, led by Sardar Akhtar Mengal, be included in the government to relieve pressure on ministers/MPAs from the party (Balochistan Awami Party) and ally parties.

The Chief Minister, who is regarded as the province’s weakest chief executive by his administration and governance, handed over everything to the government and opposition members. After some disagreements with the then-chief minister, Jam Kamal, Sadiq Sanjrani planned to bring change to the province after consulting with “Islamabad” circles. The majority of BAP members were asked to revolt against Jam in October 2021, and later other ally parties such as the Awami National Party, Hazara Democratic Party, Balochistan National Party (Awami), and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) supported Bizenjo.

By supporting the vote of no confidence, all 23 opposition members (JUI-11, BNP-9, PKMAP-1, PML (N)-1, and Raisani) expressed confidence in Bizenjo’s leadership. Instead of genuinely opposing the government, the JUI, BNP, and others have defended it in exchange for all of the benefits and privileges. Their MPAs, especially those of the BNP, are frequently seen in the Chief Minister’s office and residence dangling around him, even attending official meetings.

Bizenjo is well-known for always agreeing with every member of the government and opposition parties who asks for public funds, police officers, and administrative officials in their respective constituencies. Ministers who are also authorised to make departmental committee recruitment decisions are free to retain their departmental secretaries as long as they follow ministerial instructions. No senior officer is prepared to serve as Principal Secretary to the Chief Minister, and the office has been run by a junior officer for the past year.

However, this loose attitude did not work well, and the chairman of the Senate eventually advised him to bring both the JUI and the BNP into the government by expelling troublemakers (some ministers and advisors). The BNP initially refused to join the government but eventually agreed after JUI leader Fazal-ur-Rehman persuaded Akhtar Mengal. Both parties believe that because of the weak administration of Qudoos Bizenjo, things in the government are not going well, and that they can control things by instituting discipline once they join the government.


By this time, Senate Chairman Sadiq Sanjrani, a shrewd politician, and CM Bizenjo had begun to distance themselves from the JUI and move closer to the BNP, throwing parties and holding long sittings with BNP leader Akhtar Mengal. The Chief Minister put the JUI on hold, neither refusing nor accepting its demands, but continued to avoid holding negotiations over them. When the JUI saw Bizenjo’s inclination toward the BNP, it misinterpreted it as a refusal to meet its demands, forcing it to declare its intention to play a true opposition role.

During the press conference, JUI Provincial Ameer not only chastised the government for mismanagement but also the BNP for its MPAs’ closeness to the Chief Minister. “BNP members are so close to the Chief Minister that they have reached his bedroom,” Maulana Wasey told reporters, without naming BNP assembly member Mir Hamal Kalmati.

In response to critics, BNP workers posted photos of JUI members stuffing sweets and cakes into Bizenjo’s mouth after he took over. Mengal is known to have sent photos of press clippings of Wasey’s statement to JUI head Maulana Fazal for his review, rather than showing any reaction by the party. As per JUI members, Maulana took it seriously and asked assembly members and party office bearers not to speak out against the allied BNP.

The BAP leader, Jam Kamal, approached JUI leaders the same day after their press conference, seeing an opportunity for himself. He called Wasey and said he wanted to apologise to his MPA, Abdul Wahid Siddiqui, for the mishap that occurred on the eve of the 2021-22 budget session. Siddiqui was injured in a police action when opposition members locked all the gates of the Balochistan assembly and refused to let government members in until they agreed to their demands of allocating public funds in proportion to government assembly members.

In accordance with the Balochi tradition, Wasey’s residence was visited by Jam Kamal and his party MPAs, who sought rapprochement. Later that day, BAP member Saleem Khoso hosted a dinner where both sides had a lengthy discussion about the next course of action. Both sides expressed dissatisfaction with the government’s performance in all areas, particularly relief efforts, and vowed to play a true opposition role in the coming days.

After witnessing the agreement between the two political adversaries, the Chief Minister and Chairman Senate attempted to persuade Maulana Wasey to negotiate, but the latter refused to cooperate with the government in the future. BAP party sources claimed that Sanjrani’s days are numbered, as the government parties may move for a no-confidence motion against him in the coming days. He began moving from pillar to post, lobbying PDM components to save him, specifically PPP, JUI-F, and BNP.


According to sources, both BAP leader Jam Kamal and the JUI’s parliamentary group agreed to begin lobbying among parliamentary groups in order to depose Qudoos Bizenjo and form their own government in the near future. They believe that a vote of no confidence against Sanjrani would be a serious setback for the CM and his Balochistan coalition, while benefiting Jam Kamal and the JUI.

November is a critical month in our country’s politics, and nothing will happen in Balochistan until the month passes, as all political parties and institutions are preoccupied with addressing the PTI’s long march towards Islamabad. Unless and until things settle in Islamabad, there will be no visible change.


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